The Paradox That Is Karas Region

IF ever there was paradoxical situation, it is Namibia’s Karas Region: ‘Rich in Resources, But Very Poor’.

This article aims to explore the circumstances behind the claims of exclusion and other forms of marginalisation of the indigenous communities in southern Namibia. This has sparked public debates as to how the concerned communities were overlooked.This prompted President Hifikepunye Pohamba to order governmental enquiry into these serious claims.This paper further seeks to analyse the rationale under which these claims are being made, timing, implications thereof and attempts to offer possible solutions.NAMIBIA is a country blessed with diverse cultures and languages.But recent claims of economic exclusion as articulated by the Nama traditional authorities confirm obvious difficulties associated with post-independence economic integration of previously disadvantaged groups particularly the minority groups, into a United One Namibian Nation.Of great interest is that these claims are being made almost two decades into Namibia’s independence.This is a stark reminder that it is no longer good enough for ordinary law abiding citizens to live peacefully in the democratic unitary nation-state without a trickle down economic opportunities for all citizens.Karas Region is an area of considerable geographical space and natural wealth but faces an array of urgent development challenges.The claims of exclusion raise governance questions such as who controls the political, economic and social arena.In this era of decentralisation, it further begs the question whether regional authorities charged with development planning are better equipped and interact adequately as they should with corporate leaders, other interest groups including traditional authorities on issues affecting their subjects within the regional context.Somehow this may suggest the failure of present systems with regard to the distribution of wealth to the poor within the region.What seems to be happening now at regional level is best described in political theory as a silent revolution.But opinion is divided on the subject matter within the region.The word “indigenous” has been used carefully and emphasised repeatedly.Indigenous communities may refer to the chiefs’ devoted subjects.Influential and outspoken Karas chiefs are painfully aware of the difficulties facing their subjects and were quick to point out that they were not seeking special status or some kind of entitlement just because of what tribe they are but were legitimising their call for the state’s attention, and to solicit support from higher authority in favour of their demands.Claims of exclusion in the Karas Region remind me of the underlining factors that led to the situation in the volatile, oil rich Niger Delta, in Nigeria.Moreover, the chiefs seem more united than ever before and determined to walk the talk; they went further to make a metaphoric call for clear measurable government-driven empowerment programmes, with large corporate organisations doing active business in Karas in the middle.The chiefs probably know very well that it is not easy to hold large corporations to account for the present realities on the ground.But who has torpedoed the advancement of indigenous communities? It seems that there is a general reluctance to make an honest view known publicly on this topic probably for reason of political expediency.But we should not shift the focus away from the substance.The debate should revolve around whether the indigenous communities have been denied opportunities deliberately.And most importantly, who actually holds huge monopoly and power to ensure trickle down effect of economic opportunities offered by Karas? There are probably numerous answers to these legitimate questions.It is my considered opinion that all these questions require a balanced and honest discussion.Let’s face it; they can only be addressed correctly in an environment which is as frank and objective as possible, informed by the well established principle of self-criticism and epistemology.History has it that the Nama tribe was traditionally known for its nomadic behaviour which is increasingly rare today largely due to changing climatic conditions.The nomadic way of life seems to have ended and evaporated in thin air in exchange for static lifestyle in present day Namibia.The terrain has changed significantly and competitiveness is real in whatever we do today.As part of my research; I took the liberty to find out from concerned communities how they feel about the situation.I began by asking ordinary people of Karas; what could be done to rebuild what has been lost and restore hope for the future? One person simply told me: “I don’t know how to explain this sad situation”.Another expressed his desire for increased rural development.Others would like to see significant injection of investment particularly into the rural Karas.Another key factor at the centre of this debate appears to be the effects of post independent intra-unitary state migration.Karas is a classic example where population has shifted significantly.This fact cannot be ignored if one seeks to understand the Region today and how it became engulfed in this problem of perceived exclusion.To a large degree northern migrants have penetrated the productive sectors such as mining, fishing and agriculture particularly irrigation projects along the Orange River.In addition, some northerners hold key public offices in the civil service as well as political offices in a territory which, 18 years ago, was known as Namaland.This characteristic is also true for many school learners in the Region, which suggests that this phenomenon may continue for generations to come.Migration has brought significant ramifications to the local environment.Power structures have changed significantly both at socio-economic and political levels within the regional context.It is quite clear that the traditional power base, including political capital, is dwindling fast; by any impression, this has shaped new political attitudes and cultural tendencies.This seems to be the core of the exclusion debate.This status quo may provoke indigenous communities to feel that they now have to operate under the instructions and/or influence of migrants.This fact has been deliberately overlooked at times and it would appear that some people find it convenient to jump on the bandwagon of the theory of denialism.It looks as if the silent revolution driven by culture of resistance will remain as long as critical elements are not addressed in a sustainable manner.Whether Karas’ northerners have now become like the Chinese in Namibia, it remains a controversial issue.This author counts himself in the migration category.Arguably this has been the trend even before independence, particularly with the then Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM) now known as NamDeb at Oranjemund.Thousands of northerners were airlifted by CDM to work shifts in the mines far away from their traditional home.These migrant workers were exposed to difficult working conditions in the process of wealth creation during the years of South West Africa.Even if it does not appear to be a corporate sin, it seems love is not lost yet by CDM’s successor as it continues to make productive use of significant number of northerners today of which some have been inherited.However, these migrant workers seem to accept the nature of mining operations, including the harsh working environment under which they have to operate daily, with mining employer insisting on increased productivity, competitiveness and meeting achievable goals on the part of those it employs.This is also true for those fishing at deep seas normally associated with rough and turbulent working conditions.Unfortunately, to date nobody has produced technology capable of negotiating with the ocean to be human friendly.What is at stake here is a matter of balance and survival through socio-economic transformation and enthusiastic integration of the indigenous communities at both levels of governance.But it is imperative that the inner fears, insecurities, vulnerability, hopelessness, uncertainty and powerlessness on the part of concerned communities is addressed in a responsible manner in favour of social cohesion, national unity, peace and stability.But this is purely a matter for Karas Region Council (KRC) to resolve in line with its mandate with national government playing a vanguard role.Now is the time for the regional government to come up with smart policy proposals and exercise public diplomacy on this subject matter.To this end, an attempt was made in 2003 to confront these endemic problems when KRC held its first ever successful investors’ conference under the theme ‘Karas Region Rich in Resources, Ready to do Business’.The attendance of high profile business personalities in charge of major business houses in the Karas Region is proof of this.Its foundation was to promote a new formula for closer co-operation that would have heralded a new working order and regional identity that embraces everyone.It seems that those tasked to come up with possible solutions should now consider wide range of alternative solutions.But it is very difficult to predict the outcomes given the largely mercantilist economy such as ours.The general absence of social consciousness and activism should be given urgent attention particularly given modern society driven by global systems.And this is going to require serious policy shifts and some adroit political management.Indigenous communities could be embraced and encouraged to participate in the creation of economic opportunities.After all the essence of economic empowerment must benefit local people by addressing the following issues: ownership, control of resources, skills development, employment equity, preferential procurement, and enterprise development.Of great importance is the need to create space for growth and to work towards economic inclusively.The struggle for economic emancipation and self-reliance will be long and winners will be the non-quitters, who embrace acceptable work ethics, high levels of productivity, innovation and prepared to step out of comfort zones.This also backs my principle view on rejection of absolutism in a diverse cultural society such as Namibia.I must admit that the road to economic prosperity won’t be easy and neither will there be quick fix solutions in the near future.But whatever empowerment programmes will emerge from the process of solution seeking, great care should be taken to ensure that this does not become another gainful private enterprise by rural born urbanised elites.Should this happen, it will be a sad day for the grassroots in whose name issues around exclusion and empowerment are being raised.There should be effective monitoring, transparency, accountability and verifiable mechanisms to ensure trickledown effect.It is quite clear that Karas Region is hotly contested terrain, and the scramble for control over mineral rich resources, influence, and who eventually shapes and defines the future of Karas Region of Namibia will carry on for sometime to come.* Fluksman Samuehl is a scholar of International Relations & Strategic Studies and former Member of Parliament.He has lived at Luederitz since Independence.The opinions expressed herein are his own.This has sparked public debates as to how the concerned communities were overlooked.This prompted President Hifikepunye Pohamba to order governmental enquiry into these serious claims.This paper further seeks to analyse the rationale under which these claims are being made, timing, implications thereof and attempts to offer possible solutions.NAMIBIA is a country blessed with diverse cultures and languages.But recent claims of economic exclusion as articulated by the Nama traditional authorities confirm obvious difficulties associated with post-independence economic integration of previously disadvantaged groups particularly the minority groups, into a United One Namibian Nation.Of great interest is that these claims are being made almost two decades into Namibia’s independence.This is a stark reminder that it is no longer good enough for ordinary law abiding citizens to live peacefully in the democratic unitary nation-state without a trickle down economic opportunities for all citizens.Karas Region is an area of considerable geographical space and natural wealth but faces an array of urgent development challenges.The claims of exclusion raise governance questions such as who controls the political, economic and social arena.In this era of decentralisation, it further begs the question whether regional authorities charged with development planning are better equipped and interact adequately as they should with corporate leaders, other interest groups including traditional authorities on issues affecting their subjects within the regional context.Somehow this may suggest the failure of present systems with regard to the distribution of wealth to the poor within the region.What seems to be happening now at regional level is best described in political theory as a silent revolution.But opinion is divided on the subject matter within the region.The word “indigenous” has been used carefully and emphasised repeatedly.Indigenous communities may refer to the chiefs’ devoted subjects.Influential and outspoken Karas chiefs are painfully aware of the difficulties facing their subjects and were quick to point out that they were not seeking special status or some kind of entitlement just because of what tribe they are but were legitimising their call for the state’s attention, and to solicit support from higher authority in favour of their demands.Claims of exclusion in the Karas Region remind me of the underlining factors that led to the situation in the volatile, oil rich Niger Delta, in Nigeria.Moreover, the chiefs seem more united than ever before and determined to walk the talk; they went further to make a metaphoric call for clear measurable government-driven empowerment programmes, with large corporate organisations doing active business in Karas in the middle.The chiefs probably know very well that it is not easy to hold large corporations to account for the present realities on the ground.But who has torpedoed the advancement of indigenous communities? It seems that there is a general reluctance to make an honest view known publicly on this topic probably for reason of political expediency.But we should not shift the focus away from the substance.The debate should revolve around whether the indigenous communities have been denied opportunities deliberately.And most importantly, who actually holds huge monopoly and power to ensure trickle down effect of economic opportunities offered by Karas? There are probably numerous answers to these legitimate questions.It is my considered opinion that all these questions require a balanced and honest discussion.Let’s face it; they can only be addressed correctly in an environment which is as frank and objective as possible, informed by the well established principle of self-criticism and epistemology.History has it that the Nama tribe was traditionally known for its nomadic behaviour which is increasingly rare today largely due to changing climatic conditions.The nomadic way of life seems to have ended and evaporated in thin air in exchange for static lifestyle in present day Namibia.The terrain has changed significantly and competitiveness is real in whatever we do today.As part of my research; I took the liberty to find out from concerned communities how they feel about the situation.I began by asking ordinary people of Karas; what could be done to rebuild what has been lost and restore hope for the future? One person simply told me: “I don’t know how to explain this sad situation”.Another expressed his desire for increased rural development.Others would like to see significant injection of investment particularly into the rural Karas.Another key factor at the centre of this debate appears to be the effects of post independent intra-unitary state migration.Karas is a classic example where population has shifted significantly.This fact cannot be ignored if one seeks to understand the Region today and how it became engulfed in this problem of perceived exclusion.To a large degree northern migrants have penetrated the productive sectors such as mining, fishing and agriculture particularly irrigation projects along the Orange River.In addition, some northerners hold key public offices in the civil service as well as political offices in a territory which, 18 years ago, was known as Namaland.This characteristic is also true for many school learners in the Region, which suggests that this phenomenon may continue for generations to come.Migration has brought significant ramifications to the local environment.Power structures have changed significantly both at socio-economic and political levels within the regional context.It is quite clear that the traditional power base, including political capital, is dwindling fast; by any impression, this has shaped new political attitudes and cultural tendencies.This seems to be the core of the exclusion debate.This status quo may provoke indigenous communities to feel that they now have to operate under the instructions and/or influence of migrants.This fact has been deliberately overlooked at times and it would appear that some people find it convenient to jump on the bandwagon of the theory of denialism.It looks as if the silent revolution driven by culture of resistance will remain as long as critical elements are not addressed in a sustainable manner.Whether Karas’ northerners have now become like the Chinese in Namibia, it remains a controversial issue.This author counts himself in the migration category.Arguably this has been the trend even before independence, particularly with the then Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM) now known as NamDeb at Oranjemund.Thousands of northerners were airlifted by CDM to work shifts in the mines far away from their traditional home.These migrant workers were exposed to difficult working conditions in the process of wealth creation during the years of South West Africa.Even if it does not appear to be a corporate sin, it seems love is not lost yet by CDM’s successor as it continues to make productive use of significant number of northerners today of which some have been inherited.However, these migrant workers seem to accept the nature of mining operations, including the harsh working environment under which they have to operate daily, with mining employer insisting on increased productivity, competitiveness and meeting achievable goals on the part of those it employs.This is also true for those fishing at deep seas normally associated with rough and turbulent working conditions.Unfortunately, to date nobody has produced technology capable of negotiating with the ocean to be human friendly.What is at stake here is a matter of balance and survival through socio-economic transformation and enthusiastic integration of the indigenous communities at both levels of governance.But it is imperative that the inner fears, insecurities, vulnerability, hopelessness, uncertainty and powerlessness on the part of concerned communities is addressed in a responsible manner in favour of social cohesion, national unity, peace and stability.But this is purely a matter for Karas Region Council (KRC) to resolve in line with its mandate with national government playing a vanguard role.Now is the time for the regional government to come up with smart policy proposals and exercise public diplomacy on this subject matter.To this end, an attempt was made in 2003 to confront these endemic problems when KRC held its first ever successful investors’ conference under the theme ‘Karas Region Rich in Resources, Ready to do Business’.The attendance of high profile business personalities in charge of major business houses in the Karas Region is proof of this.Its foundation was to promote a new formula for closer co-operation that would have heralded a new working order and regional identity that embraces everyone.It seems that those tasked to come up with possible solutions should now consider wide range of alternative solutions.But it is very difficult to predict the outcomes given the largely mercantilist economy such as ours.The general absence of social consciousness and activism should be given urgent attention particularly given modern society driven by global systems.And this is going to require serious policy shifts and some adroit political management.Indigenous communities could be embraced and encouraged to participate in the creation of economic opportunities.After all the essence of economic empowerment must benefit local people by addressing the following issues: ownership, control of resources, skills development, employment equity, preferential procurement, and enterprise development.Of great importance is the need to create space for growth and to work towards economic inclusively.The struggle for economic emancipation and self-reliance will be long and winners will be the non-quitters, who embrace acceptable work ethics, high levels of productivity, innovation and prepared to step out of comfort zones.This also backs my principle view on rejection of absolutism in a diverse cultural society such as Namibia.I must admit that the road to economic prosperity won’t be easy and neither will there be quick fix solutions in the near future.But whatever empowerment programmes will emerge from the process of solution seeking, great care should be taken to ensure that this does not become another gainful private enterprise by rural born urbanised elites.Should this happen, it will be a sad day for the grassroots in whose name issues around exclusion and empowerment are being raised.There should be effective monitoring, transparency, accountability and verifiable mechanisms to ensure trickledown effect.It is quite clear that Karas Region is hotly contested terrain, and the scramble for control over mineral rich resources, influence, and who eventually shapes and defines the future of Karas Region of Namibia will carry on for sometime to come. * Fluksman Samuehl is a scholar of International Relations & Strategic Studies and former Member of Parliament.He has lived at Luederitz since Independence.The opinions expressed herein are his own.