Debunking Vilho’s Mythology

Henning Melber

Many electioneers use rumour-mongering, insults and invective, or peddle fake news as part of their political campaigns.

This damages a dignified political culture.

But it is part of a plural democracy, which leaves the ultimate decisions to the electorate. (Trump sends greetings!)

Namibia’s democracy respects freedom of speech and opinion.

This saw former minister Peter Vilho indulge in a conspiracy theory at a recent Swapo mini rally.

It was even published in this newpaper (‘Former defence minister blames Republican Party for national problems’).

However, Vilho’s populist misconstruction borders on a violation of common sense.

My observation is neither anti-Swapo nor in support of other political parties. It is an attempt to put the record straight.

WHO GOVERNS?

Namibia’s sovereign state has a Constitution, adopted with the votes of Swapo.

It includes fundamental human rights, and also limits and regulates the expropriation of property that existed at independence.

Constitutional principles do not prevent reforms to address socio-economic inequalities.

Nor do they paralyse political power aimed at promoting change.

Since independence, Swapo has had an absolute majority in the National Assembly.

With a two-thirds majority between 1995 and 2015, its lawmakers could adopt significant constitutional amendments. 

Yet, “Swapo”, Vilho claims, “needs a two-thirds majority to … put in place laws and policies that can deliver economic justice to our people”.

This majority has existed for 25 years – years which were largely wasted.

Vilho also boasted about poverty reduction.

This in the face of Namibia remaining the second most unequal society in the distribution of wealth and income. And, it has just entered the list of the world’s hunger hotspots.

This sad state is not imposed by a Constitution. It is the result of a government seemingly willing to sacrifice the well-being of ordinary people for personal gain: Swapo’s policy turned into an elite pact.

DELIVERY MATTERS

Still blaming apartheid for the current misery is a smokescreen to cover own delivery failures.

Preference has been given to securing personal privileges.

Those who occupied the lofty heights of government and those with connections to the new state’s governing elite were the beneficiaries – ‘fat cats’ as they were once called.

Remember, comrade Vilho?

Yes, members of the formerly privileged, who remained protected, also benefited. But blaming a predominantly white minority party for orchestrating the current state of affairs is a bad joke.

With two seats in the National Assembly, the Republican Party has never influenced policies.

The former liberation movement has been responsible for policy formulation and implementation.

Its track record must be measured against its slogan of ‘Solidarity, Freedom, Justice’.

Failure to create a Namibian house in which all Namibians have a decent place to live shows a lack of solidarity.

Freedom and justice, understood as civil liberties and human rights for all, require material prerequisites denied to many.

A Supreme Court judgement triggered homophobic outbursts.

Bills subsequently adopted in parliament undermine the rule of law. They discriminate against a minority.

Who is to blame for this state of affairs, if not the political party executing power as the government?

TENDERPRENEURS

Vilho claims that ‘players’ other than government and state institutions control the economy.

Then, in a blatant contradiction, he lists initiatives aimed at levelling the playing field. This confirms that transformative reforms are possible.

He misinterprets the World Bank, which said: “The black majority continues to be excluded from fully participating in economic activities.”

This is not blaming whites. It is criticism of a government failing to create employment opportunities.

Revealingly, and miraculously so, Swapo now declares it will create employment for more than 280 000 people during the next legislative period.

Vilho promotes “tenderpreneurism” as a legitimate career. This suggests that Swapo, as the government, has resources to allocate.

Those resources are from taxpayers, who include supporters of all parties, including the RP. They don’t decide how its spent; the government, largely controlled by Swapo, does.

Vilho states, wrongly so, that “only a small group of the population owns and controls 90% of our resources”.

Namibia’s natural resources are all controlled by state institutions.

This means they are also controlled by the party holding political power as the government.

Those who illegally enriched themselves through Fishrot and other forms of corruption and misappropriation of funds in a parasitic rentier capitalist state (including shady deals by tenderpreneurs) might be “a small group of the population”. But they are not predominantly white.

According to Vilho: “If that’s what you want, you can vote for any of the opposition parties.” He should have added ‘and for Swapo too’.

WHO SERVES WHO?

In inventing Henk Mudge as a strawman and the most influential person in Namibian society, Vilho discredits his own cognitive abilities.

Labelling opposition parties as “tools in the hands of those who finance and control them” is a similar invention.

There are, of course, those who accuse Swapo of serving foreign interests.

They even refer to those international companies and foreign governments that benefit from tenders, the allocation of licences for resource exploitation and other business operations. Anything to say about that, comrade Vilho?

As he declares: “A group that has so much influence in society can either be a force for good or a force for evil. They should either be praised or condemned for their actions. But they are too big to be ignored.”

This is a valid description of Swapo’s role since independence.

Electioneering with integrity and decency requires more than praise songs or blame games.

To earn and deserve the trust of an electorate requires taking responsibility for one’s own shortcomings.

  • Henning Melber joined Swapo in 1974. He is extraordinary Professor at the University of Pretoria and the University of the Free State, and is associated with the Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala, Sweden.

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