Coalition ministers poised to butt heads with the tough realities of governance

The recent claims by Action SA that DA leader John Steenhuisen is using blue-light vehicles as a Cabinet minister may be a reminder of some of the pitfalls that lie ahead for some of the parties who are new to government.

For the moment, many supporters of the parties in the Government of National Unity (GNU) are still enjoying the novelty of having someone they voted for in the Cabinet. This may soon change, as these parties come to terms with how difficult governance can be.

Earlier this week, Action SA claimed that an answer to a question they’d lodged to Agriculture Minister John Steenhuisen showed that he was using blue-light vehicles. Steenhuisen denied this, pointing out that the three vehicles concerned were already owned by the ministry, and saying that he did not actually use the blue-light vehicles that they already have.

As Daily Maverick’s Victoria O’Regan has pointed out, the use of blue-light vehicles has a long political history. Various political parties have said while in the opposition that they would not use these lights, only to find themselves now in government.

While the claims around Steenhuisen will probably turn out to be a storm in a teacup, it may be a useful reminder to parties in the government other than the ANC about some of the problems that may soon head their way.

Eskom, SABC, prisons present problems

It can sometimes be forgotten how difficult governance can be, particularly in a country facing the problems ours does.

For example, the environmental affairs minister, the DA’s Dion George, now finds himself having to defend a claim from environmental groups that his department should not have given Eskom permission for its power stations to emit more pollution than the law currently allows.

If he defends the decision, he will appear to be allowing people living around those power stations to die earlier as a result of this pollution. If he gives in, Eskom will say he is responsible for more load shedding.

Similar dynamics are true of other ministries. Communications Minister Solly Malatsi is also facing difficult decisions.

Currently, the SABC, which he has political responsibility for, is unable to run its lifts in Radio Park. This means that radio producers and presenters have to climb numerous flights of stairs to get to their studios. And it is probably impossible to host live guests. (Conflict Alert: this writer worked at the SABC for six years until July 2024.)

The problems facing the corporation are deep, and many are financial. Should the SABC start to lose the capacity to provide some services, Malatsi could be blamed. 

Other issues may at some stage confront Freedom Front Plus leader Pieter Groenewald, the current minister of correctional services.

In many democracies, prisons create very difficult governance decisions. Often the ministers in charge of them are blamed either for allowing prisoners to escape, or for abuses that occur. South Africa has a long history in this regard, most recently exemplified by the Thabo Bester escape saga.

It would seem impossible to believe that Groenewald will not find himself at some point at the centre of a political storm during the five-year period he is expected to occupy this position.

Sport minister’s popularity may be short-lived

The same will also hold true for Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture, the Patriotic Alliance’s Gayton McKenzie.

There is some evidence showing that after the formation of the coalition government, his popularity increased.

But his links to MK leader, former president Jacob Zuma, should not be forgotten. In 2017, the Sunday Times revealed that he and PA deputy leader Kenny Kunene had flown to Russia on a seemingly Zuma-approved jaunt to take part in a R5-billion oil deal. At the time the newspaper also reported that McKenzie had free access to Zuma’s official residence and that he was giving input on Cabinet picks — earning him and Kunene the nickname “the new Guptas”.

It is likely that in the next four years or so, two things will happen.

The first is that McKenzie will be stuck in the middle of a major national debate around race, culture or language. And that any decision he makes, or any statement he issues, will cost him some support.

The second is that even though he does appear to be giving part of his salary to charity, some questionable business deal will emerge. That is, of course, if his public support for Israel does not eventually force the ANC to act against him first.

But the problems all these ministers will face may well look very simple when compared with the problems the leader of the IFP may face.

Velenkosini Hlabisa is the minister of cooperative governance and traditional affairs.

And considering that most local councils (outside the Western Cape) cannot provide proper services, he may well find himself having to deal with impossible problems. Certainly, before the local elections, the ANC (and other parties) will have every motive to blame him for not fixing the problems in councils.

Hlabisa may well face difficulties in the Traditional Affairs Department too, particularly in his home province (and the IFP base) of KwaZulu-Natal. This is because Zulu King Misizulu ka-Zwelithini now appears to be involved in a messy divorce, has fired his traditional prime minister (who also comes from the IFP) and has made odd decisions about the board of the Ingonyama Trust.

Political minnows also face headaches

For some other parties, the real risk is that they will completely alienate themselves from their core constituencies because they are now in charge of the issue that they have campaigned on.

For example, the PAC has campaigned for years on a programme of land expropriation without compensation. Its leader, Mzwanele Nyhontso, is now the minister of land reform and rural development. While saying publicly that he still wants expropriation, he will now find that he does not have the power to make any policy changes.

As a result, PAC supporters may now feel that they have been betrayed – that he has received the fruits of high office, but has failed to implement any kind of change.

Others in government may find that because of their higher profile, they face questions about whether they still believe what they said in the past.

For example, during the election campaign last year, Deputy Social Development Minister Ganief Hendricks said that women should not work.

One wonders if he has told his minister, Sisi Tolashe, that he believes this. For many years, voters have tended to focus on the governance decisions of the ANC. This is now going to change, and individual ministers and their parties may now be held responsible for problems under their portfolios. This will change our politics fundamentally and provide a very tough test for those new to government. DM